Islam

 

When asked if he had cursed at Leahy, Cheney answered, "Probably." "Do you have any regrets?," Neil Cavuto asked. "No. I said it," the vice president responded.

"felt that what I’d said badly needed to be said, that it was long overdue."

"Part of the problem here is that instead of having a substantive debate over important substantive policy issues, he had challenged my integrity, and I didn’t like that. But most of all I didn’t like the fact that after he’d done so, then he wanted to act like everything was peaches and cream."

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Exercising the First

War? No thanks.

by Doug Lambert

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Recently, the Iran Policy Committee (IPC), a think-tank of military people and other respected experts in that area of the world, released a white paper offering a series of steps and suggestions to supplement President Bush’s latest plans for a new strategy in Iraq. Entitled “How to Make the Surge Work: A Complementary Political-Military Plan for Iraq”, it outlines a political complement to the proposed American military troop surge in Iraq. Additionally, it reveals information about the nature of the enemy and who they really are that most Americans probably didn’t know.

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Discussing the paper in a January 12th news conference, General Paul E. Vallely, USA (Ret.), co-chair, IPC Military Committee, and co-author of  “Endgame: The Blueprint for Victory in the War on Terror” said, “Sending an additional 20,000 U.S. troops to Iraq under current military strategies and rules of engagement will unlikely make much difference.” The reason is that there is another reality on the ground in Iraq that more often than not goes unstated, due to the obvious implications. Says Vallely: “Based on the intelligence that is now available, it is very clear that Iran is the number one enemy in Iraq. But our enemy, Iran, is not fighting a conventional war against us; it is engaged in an unconventional war.” He further noted that ample evidence exists showing that the Iranians have stepped up their efforts in the past few months. “The Qods Force of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps secretly trains, finances, and arms an extensive terrorist network in Iraq.”

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Issuing the gist of the warning his group wishes to impart to President Bush and his war planners, Vallely stated, “To prevail, the United States has to transition from a conventional to an unconventional war footing to adjust to Iran’s tactics and make the enemy pay a heavy price for its despicable tactics.”

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“But Doug, he talked about an enemy—like we’re really at war or something! And what does he mean about Iranians in Iraq? Fighting us? Why would they? Don’t they understand? We don’t want to fight —we just have to talk to them.” 

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THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. On Wednesday night, I addressed the Nation from the White House to lay out a new strategy that will help Iraq’s democratic government succeed.

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America’s new strategy comes after a difficult year in Iraq. In 2006, the terrorists and insurgents fought to reverse the extraordinary democratic gains the Iraqis have made. In February, the extremists bombed a holy Shia mosque in a deliberate effort to provoke reprisals that would set off a sectarian conflict. They succeeded, and the ongoing sectarian violence, especially in Baghdad, is making all other progress difficult.

Only the Iraqis can end the sectarian violence and secure their people. Their leaders understand this, and they are stepping forward to do it. But they need our help, and it is in our interests to provide that help. The changes in our strategy will help the Iraqis in four main areas:

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First, we will help the Iraqis execute their aggressive plan to secure their capital. Eighty percent of Iraq’s sectarian violence occurs within 30 miles of Baghdad. The new plan to secure Baghdad fixes the problems that prevented previous operations from succeeding. This time, there will be adequate Iraqi and U.S. forces to hold the areas that have been cleared, including more Iraqi forces and five additional brigades of American troops committed to Baghdad. This time, Iraqi and American forces will have a green light to enter neighborhoods that are home to those fueling sectarian violence. Prime Minister Maliki has pledged that political or sectarian interference with security operations will not be tolerated.

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WASHINGTON, Jan. 12 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ — The Iran Policy Committee held a press conference on Thursday, 11 January 2007, at the National Press Club in Washington, DC to review President Bush’s 10 January 2007 address to the nation on Iraq and release a White Paper titled, How to Make the Surge Work: A Complementary Political-Military Plan for Iraq, introducing a political complement to the proposed American military troop surge to Iraq.

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Mr. Bruce McColm, Iran Policy Committee, Executive Committee member, set the stage for discussion. Mr. McColm drew attention to the U.S. military raid on the Iranian consulate in the mainly Kurdish city of Erbil in northern Iraq on the day after the President’s 10 January address. U.S. Forces detained at least five Iranian employees in the consulate and seized computers and documents that should be relevant for additional military action against Iranians in Iraq. McColm praised this event "as evidence that the United States may be more willing to counter Iranian subversion of Iraq." McColm also cited Gen. Michael V. Hayden, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Hayden testified before Congress that despite earlier skepticism of reports of Iranian operations in Iraq, he now had the "zeal of a convert" on such reports.

General Paul E. Vallely, USA (Ret.), co-chair, IPC Military Committee, and co-author of Endgame: The Blueprint for Victory in the War on Terror, followed Mr. McColm by referring to Mr. Alireza Jafarzadeh, author of The Iran Threat: President Ahmadinejad and the Coming Nuclear Crisis. Vallely said, "Jafarzadeh had revealed intelligence that suggests a sharp increase in Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism and sectarian violence, especially in the past few months. The Qods Force of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps secretly trains, finances, and arms an extensive terrorist network in Iraq."

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In referring to President Bush’s proposal to surge U.S. troops to Iraq, Vallely said,

"Based on the intelligence that is now available, it is very clear that Iran is the number one enemy in Iraq. But our enemy, Iran, is not fighting a conventional war against us; it is engaged in an unconventional war."

There he goes again with that "enemy" stuff. Doesn’t he know that we just voted to not participate in the war? "War? We don’t want no stinkin’ war! That’s why we voted for the Dems!"

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THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. I returned home this week from a visit to the Middle East. On my trip, I met with Prime Minister Maliki of Iraq to discuss how we can improve the situation on the ground in his country and help the Iraqis build a lasting democracy.

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My meeting with Prime Minister Maliki was our third since he took office six months ago. With each meeting, I’m coming to know him better, and I’m becoming more impressed by his desire to make the difficult choices that will put his country on a better path. During our meeting, I told the Prime Minister that America is ready to make changes to better support the unity government of Iraq, and that several key principles will guide our efforts.

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First, the success of Prime Minister Maliki’s government is critical to success in Iraq. His unity government was chosen through free elections in which nearly 12 million Iraqis cast their ballots in support of democracy. Our goal in Iraq is to strengthen his democratic government and help Iraq’s leaders build a free nation that can govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself — and is an ally in the war on terror.

Second, the success of the Iraqi government depends on the success of the Iraqi security forces. The training of Iraqi security forces has been steady, yet we both agreed that we need to do more, and we need to do it faster. The Prime Minister wants to show the people who elected him that he’s willing to make the hard decisions necessary to provide security.

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To do that, he needs larger and more capable Iraqi forces under his control, and he needs them quickly. By helping Iraq’s elected leaders get the Iraqi forces they need, we will help Iraq’s democratic government become more effective in fighting the terrorists and other violent extremists, and in providing security and stability, particularly in Baghdad.

Third, success in Iraq requires strong institutions that will stand the test of time and hardship. Our goal in Iraq is to help Prime Minister Maliki build a country that is united, where the rule of law prevails and the rights of minorities are respected. The Prime Minister made clear that splitting his country into parts is not what the Iraqi people want and that any partition of Iraq would lead to an increase in sectarian violence.

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Security in Iraq requires sustained action by the Iraqi security forces, yet in the long term, security in Iraq hinges on reconciliation among Iraq’s different ethnic and religious communities. And the Prime Minister has committed his government to achieving that goal.

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