My daughter is 18 years old, always wise and successful beyond her years, and thanks to the state of New Hampshire, traumatized beyond her years.
A place she treasured and called home — by the time she was 12, she deemed New Hampshire the most dangerous place on earth. Not because of its people, but because of its government, namely an intricately interwoven, robust system that has turned child abuse and domestic violence into a gaslighting enterprise that feeds money and power into a greed-riddled clubhouse of shameless cronyism.
There is no job security after all in curing the disease.
It is a dangerous cabal shielded by the state’s highest judicial powers, legislative gatekeepers, and a band of politically-appointed lawyers immunized by their black robes as they openly wield their gavels as lawless magic wands.
In my case, in a divorce petition in which the state of New Hampshire had no jurisdiction as a matter of plain law — three family court judges and their hand-picked court appointees — in repugnantly deliberate violation of the most basic fundamental due process rights guaranteed by our Constitution, refused to hold a single evidentiary hearing or trial.
It instead weaponized a deeply troubled, deadbeat, documentally-dangerous self-admitted transient long-absent father as part of what could only be concluded as a flagrant trafficking scheme of this modern-day kakistocracy.
The agenda behind their wet-finger rulings couldn’t be any more obvious.
Once they got this well-grounded child away from me, the next move was likely to get her away from him and make her a lifelong client of their noxious network.
It would have been like taking candy from a sleeping baby.
It is a stark reality. This nakedly corrupt matrix, regardless of your social status, can and will do whatever it takes to safeguard the pot of gold that weighs on the back of every abused child in the state of New Hampshire.
Claire Best is a thousand percent right in her April 26 commentary in which she charges the New Hampshire Coalition of Domestic Violence (NHCADSV) with being one of its gatekeepers.
House Bill 1633, a “Victims’ Bill of Rights,” and the NHCADSV’s actions to block it — the focus of Best’s piece — is far from the first pro-victim efforts this advocacy group has inexplicably opposed.
Long before I fully absorbed the bottomless pit of the state’s child abuse industry, I spearheaded several reform measures, including successfully garnering sponsors for several pieces of legislation, including a bid to hold child advocates liable for dereliction of duty, enforce statutory mandates, and exclude ambiguous or conflicting language in existing statutes.
The Coalition didn’t just oppose every single one of them; they subversively hampered my move to chill the state’s exploitation of children.
In 2013, in an early failure of New Hampshire’s “child protection” devoirs, nine-year-old Joshua Savyon was shot and killed by his father during a court-ordered visitation at a YMCA that had no metal detector.
As a result of this tragedy, the state adopted safety mandates that require all parent visitation centers to have metal detectors. Nonetheless, family court judges out of the seacoast division for years after were systematically sending children to a privately-run visitation center in Dover with no metal detectors.
The center, now closed, was owned by of all people a woman who a court-appointed guardian ad litem in custody cases presided over by the very same judges who order her visitation center.
They were sending children to this unsafe, fee-based parent visitation center despite there being a free, county-run, state-of-the-art metal detector facility with armed law enforcement within the same complex as the courthouse.
There was even a poster for the unsecured center hung on the court clerk’s glass divider.
When I invited the coalition to come and be a voice against the practice, what I got in return was a veiled threat.
In her commentary, Best cites national statistics that 60 to 90 percent of children trafficked in the U.S. come from a pool of kids in state care.
These include foster homes — cash cow furnaces fueled by legalized kidnapping and juvenile facilities like New Hampshire’s dubious Youth Detention Center, where alleged victims of sex trafficking appear to be running into the all too familiar evidentiary whitewashing of the Live Free And “Lie” coterie. They also include the family courts.
No matter the source, innocent ignorance and willful deception often go hand in hand in their coverups, and that’s why this victim rights bill was so important.
What many don’t realize is that attorneys general represent the government, not the people. That leaves victims further victimized by the government with no access to justice, especially in a state like New Hampshire where so many has-beens are making a living by unabashedly feeding at the trough.
And as people like me can tell you, trafficking isn’t always a straight pipeline, but there is always a bounty at the end of it.
I lost my beloved Portsmouth home of 27 years to this well-oiled child trafficking scheme and its mafia-like tactics.
For those who resist — there is a debt to pay — a sort of “rappresaglia” as the Italian gangs would say.
In my case, the court’s henchman was an invented real estate commissioner, an unscrupulous Portsmouth divorce attorney, gifted with carte blanche powers to pay herself whatever she decided from the proceeds she generated from thieving my home for not handing my daughter over to New Hampshire’s top traffickers.
Indemnified through their chronically abused powers, she even blatantly signed my name on the deed giving away my house.
It didn’t quite work out the way they had planned. After they handsomely rewarded my daughter’s long estranged father, even illegally waiving delinquent felony-level child support for him, he re-vanished back into the sunset.
Now I was homeless — and still raising my daughter alone.
To them, either way, they won. Because like all traffickers, New Hampshire’s well-harbored “networkers” feed off sadism and power.
They would rather see a terrified girl living in a tent, forever pining for her lilac room and days of making snow angels in the backyard, than grow a conscience, follow the law, and protect her.
Best has done her homework well. As she concludes, stymying disclosure rights to victims stymies who get classified as a victim, a veiled outcome akin to the epistemological riddle — if a tree falls and no one hears it, did it make a noise.
She also reports that the NH DOJ also opposed the victim rights legislation, reporting that the agency says it would create “unintended consequences.”
In turning to another form of speech, the assertion seems to be nothing less than a euphemism to sugarcoat the reality that what it would really mean is that it would force the state “to prioritize victims” of a maladministration.
Alice Giordano is a former reporter for The Boston Globe, The Associated Press, senior political correspondent for The Epoch Times, commentator for Newsweek’s Voices of the Day, a contributor to The New York Times, The Federalist, and The American Thinker. She is currently a writer for Newsmax Magazine.
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